In an earlier article on this blog, "Neferura--Heir Apparent" I wrote:
"It is scarcely any wonder, then, in light of the above image, that William Petty, in a couple of articles, has pointed out that there are no unambiguous inscriptions of Thutmose III between his Year 5 and Year 13. Where was he and what was he up to? But, sometime after Year 13, Hatshepsut changed her mind and Thutmose began to appear with her on monuments albeit in a secondary position. Then, in her Year 21, Hatshepsut, herself, becomes absent from the record. Under the circumstances, I have to agree with Petty that Thutmose found it convenient to continue the last regnal date of the woman-king. He may have been the rightful sovereign, but it now seems to me he had been deposed, not merely eclipsed, and was not expected to ever resume his kingship during a certain period."
William Petty's paper in the journal, Ostracon, "Redating the Reign of Hatshepsut" can be found here:
http://www.egyptstudy.org/ostracon/vol12_2.pdf
Upon re-reading this paper, I discovered something that would have made no sense to me had I not been doing the calculations connected to the obelisk inscription of Hatshepsut, described on this blog. There I concluded the progression of the Sothic sighting within the civil calendar showed 32 years had gone by between the end of the reign of Amenhotep I and Year 16 of Hatshepsut, leaving 16 years for the interim rulers. These I apportioned as 13 for Thutmose I and three for Thutmose II.
Now it appears that may be exactly right. William Petty mentioned that the Donation Stela of Senenmut was a perplexing item. Even though it is evidently dated to Year 4 of Thutmose III, "Maatkara", the prenomen of Hatshepsut, is mentioned and the mortuary temple of the queen and Senenmut's tomb are referenced. However, there is ample evidence that neither of these were begun until Year 7, which some regard as the year of the "switch" from Hatshepsut as regent to a ruler with full pharaonic titulary. How is it possible for things not constructed until Year 7 to be mentioned in Year 4? The answer is now obvious.
William Petty suggested the regnal years of Thutmose III and Hatshepsut were "artificially synchronized", but he did not say exactly when. He was correct, in my opinion, but I think my astronomical calculations serve to reinforce the assertion of Petty that, if taken at face value, the Donation Stela implies that Year 4 of Thutmose III was coincidental with Year 7 of Hatshepsut. Therefore when she became a "woman-king"--Hatshepsut did not adopt the regnal count of Thutmose III--exactly. Hatshepsut counted her reign back to the death of her father, Thutmose I, and, in doing so, appropriated or rather obliterated the entire three-year rule of her half-brother, Thutmose II. And that is why she asserted the fictitious claim that her father made her his successor when she was still young--so she could not only usurp the throne of her nephew but claim the three regnal years of her dead husband as her own, in addition. That is how Year 4 of Menkheperra became Year 7 of Maatkara--she usurping the entire time that had passed since Thutmose I had "flown to heaven". Even though Thutmose III apparently hung on for yet another year, his Year 5----there is nothing that attests to his kingship for some years afterward.
Once he reappeared on the scene, the year count no longer belonged to Thutmose III. As he was re-instated as a kind of "junior partner" of his aunt, he had no choice but to assume her false regnal count with her and, after she disappeared in her year 21, it was no longer practical to go back three years to his own count as by now hundreds of records were surely in existence using Hatshepsut's dubious reckoning. Since these records had to be referenced in legal disputes, to go back instead of foreward would have resulted in chaos. Doubtless many would disagree with me and say that there were retrospective additions to the Donation Stela--but Petty could not see this. I have not been able to examine the stela, myself. However, one must admit my reasoning addresses the question of why would Hatshepsut wait a full seven years to usurp her nephew's prerogative with the boy or young man growing older every year and ostensibly more firmly ensconced on his throne? Probably she did not wait seven years at all.
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
Interesting theory. Is it possible that in year 2 of Thutmose I, during the feast of Opet, there actually was an oracle regarding Hatshepsut? At the time this may have been interpreted as an indication that she should become the next god's wife. After all Hatshepsut had at least three (probably) older brothers living at the time and it's pretty clear that first Amonemose and then Wadjemose were considered the heir to the throne throughout the reign of Thutmose I.
ReplyDeleteHatshepsut seems to have accepted this. Even shortly after the reign of Thutmose II it seems that she honored her late brother/husband in the last few years after his death. She erected his obelisks and finished some of his projects. She dedicated a statue to him at Aswan. Some inscriptions in buildings she completed, show Hatshepsut offering directly to the gods on behalf of her brother.
Perhaps, in time, Hatshepsut and the men around her came to believe, as she constantly proclaimed, that Amon wanted her to rule and that her brother's reign had not been in accordance with divine will. This gave her the justification to proclaim herself king.
As a practical matter, this resolved the problem of what was clearly going to be a long, long, regency. According to the 2007 CAT scans, Thutmose III died in his early to mid fifties. Since it's well attested that he reigned for almost 54 years, it's entirely possible that he was just an infant when his father died. If he starts to show up in the record around year 13, well, that's about the age when he would normally begin assuming adult responsiblitites.
What he thought of all this at the time, we'll never know. It's very clear that at the end of his reign he ordered all traces of Hatshepsut's regin removed from the record and giving credit for her monuments to his father and grandfather and took steps to diminish the influence of the god's wife of Amon.
These are just a couple of thoughts. We of course tend to be rather cynical about these oracular pronouncements but I'm not sure that the ancients had the same attitude. The Greeks believed in the oracle at Delphi. As a modern, secular person, the idea that anyone would believe the crazy ravings of an illiterate teenage girl that God wanted the Dauphin to give her an army to liberate Rheims cathedral so that the crown prince cold be crowned king and drive the English out of France also sounds kind of nutty. Of course Joan of Arc is one of the best attested figures of Medieval Europe.
Debbie